On March 25, Yusuf Raza Gilani was sworn in to the office of Prime Minister of Pakistan by President Musharraf in the presidential palace. After the death of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto of the Pakistani People’s Party (PPP), the mid-February elections resulted in the parliamentary victories of the PPP and the Pakistani Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N). Though on opposite ends of the political scale, the left-leaning PPP and the conservative PML-N have formed a coalition government united in their stance against Pervez Musharraf’s self-proclaimed presidency.  With the PPP holding 120 seats in the National Assembly and PML-N holding 90, they have more than the majority of the parliamentary seats.

 

However, the coalition lacks the two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament required to directly impeach President Musharraf.  Nonetheless, this will likely prove to be a minor obstacle.  With Musharraf’s popularity at an all-time low, it is only a matter of time before he’s reduced to a mere figurehead, if not completely removed from office.  

 

Marginalizing Musharraf’s power and undoing his legacy are high on the agenda for Gilani’s government.  A major part of this legacy is the dismissal of the judiciary, which challenged the legitimacy of Musharraf’s supposed re-election in November.  In an attempt to maintain control, Musharraf declared a state of emergency, accusing the judiciary of corruption and detaining over 60 justices, including Chief Justice Iftikhar Chadhury.  In the new coalition’s meeting on March 9, a declaration was signed to free the detained judges.  A decision to reinstate the judiciary within 30 days has also been reached, with Chadhury to reassume his position as Chief Justice.

 

Musharraf has managed to hold on to his presidency in the face of seemingly impossible odds.  However, with the upcoming reinstatement of the country’s judiciary, President Musharraf’s job is now on the line.  He has enough sympathizers in parliament to prevent him from being impeached, but he has no sympathizers in the judiciary he dismissed at the end of last year.  

The only question that remains is whether or not the military is willing to take orders from a civilian government or will continue to back President Musharraf.  The newly elected chief-of-staff, Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, has already dismissed two generals that were loyal to President Musharraf.  This move has largely been seen as an attempt to distance himself from any association with the President.  Whether this is a good indicator of the general sentiment of the army is still be seen.

    Ultimately, Musharraf is hard-pressed for support.  His long-standing opponents have governmental power in their hands and are motivated not only by the current conditions of Pakistani society, but also by personal vengeance.  It was President Musharraf’s military coup that ousted former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s government in 1999, a humiliation that took only 17 hours to complete.  The Bhutto family, along with other members of the Pakistani People’s Party, holds President Musharraf responsible for the circumstances surrounding Benazir Bhutto’s assassination.  And, of course, the judiciary was dismissed and placed under house arrest at the end of last year.
    It is safe to say that Pervez Musharraf has formidable obstacles to face if he attempts to maintain any kind of political power.

Baker, Aryn.  “Undoing Musharraf in Pakistan.”  Time Magazine.  25 Mar 2008 http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1725330,00.html

 

Baker, Aryn.  “Will a Coalition Mean Musharraf’s End?”  Time Magazine.  10 Mar 2008 http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1720895,00.html

 

Perlez, Jane.  “New Pakistani Leaders Tell Americans There’s ‘a New Sheriff in Town’”

Time Magazine.  26 Mar 2008 <http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/26/world/asia/26pstan.html

   
Robinson, Simon.  “Pakistan’s PPP Choses Premier”  Time Magazine.  22 Mar 2008 http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1724968,00.html